JAKARTA The link between the two most powerful political clans in the Philippines today, Marcos and Duterte, has become a hot topic. Since last January, President Ferdinand Marcos Jr or who is familiarly called Bongbong began to be attacked by his predecessor, former President Rodrigo Duterte in controversial statements.
One of Duterte's statements was about Bongbong who said that the son of the former Philippine dictator, Ferdinand Marcos Sr, was a drug addict. Duterte also joined the "prayer together" event, which contained opposing Bongbong's plans to amend the amendments.
The last amendment to the Philippine constitution was made in 1987, or after Bongbong's father rolled over from his throne in 1986. Since then there have been no plans for another amendment, until a wish emerged from Bongbong.
Bongbong originated that constitutional amendments were needed to further accommodate foreign investment, in order to boost the Philippine economy.
"The current Philippine constitution is not designed for the global world," Bongbong argued, in a broadcast on GMA News.
Duterte emerged as one of the most vocal opponents. He argues that the amendment will only benefit today's leaders. If the amendment is approved by the Philippine House of Representatives chaired by Bongbong's cousin, Martin Romualdez, Duterte is threatened with sanctions for gross human rights violations as a result of his policy of killing drug dealers during his tenure. The International Court can enter the Philippines to investigate Duterte.
According to geopolitical observer from the University of The Philippines Asian Center, Richard Heydarian, quoted by Time, the amendments initiated by Bongbong could become the Trojan Horse in order to achieve broader political ambitions. Much wider than just an excuse for the Philippine economic acceleration pandemic.
So how can the correlation of Marcos Jr-Duterte's relationship with this necessity also happen to Jokowi-Prabowo Subianto?
Duterte's position towards Bongbong in the 2022 Philippine Presidential Election is exactly the same as Jokowi against Prabowo in the 2024 presidential election. As incumbents, Duterte and Jokowi gave their full support to the elected president to win the election.
Duterte and Jokowi have the same desire, namely extending the term of office to exceed the provisions mandated by the constitution. This desire ran aground because they did not get political support. However, both of them have other ways, namely by letting' their children to become representatives of the strongest presidential candidate.
Duterte's daughter, Sarah Duterte is currently the Vice President of the Philippines. In Indonesia, Gibran Rakabumin Raka will also officially become the Vice President of the Republic of Indonesia when he is inaugurated with the elected President of the Republic of Indonesia, Prabowo Subianto on October 20.
In theory, Duterte and Jokowi will be able to maintain policy direction through the new president. The Philippines is under Bongbong, while Indonesia is with Prabowo. Gibran, like Sarah Duterte, has become a symbol of mutual trust between Jokowi and Prabowo for the next five years.
However, the dispute between Bongbong Marcos and Duterte turned out to be true. In fact, in just a period of not even two years since Bongbong was elected in 2022. This possibility is something that must be watched out for in Indonesia.
The phenomenon that occurs in the Philippines should be a lesson for Indonesia, especially the future of the Jokowi-Prabowo alliance.
The first lesson is, personality plays a major role in maintaining the stability of political partnerships. Despite special talks before the election, arrangements for the division of power between political institutions can quickly change due to political egocentrism," wrote Wasisto Raharjo Jati, a BRIN researcher in his article on The University of Melbourne's Indonesia at Melbourne website, Australia.
One of the signs of potential rifts that deserve to be observed is that there is no statement about IKN Nusantara in the opinion article written by Prabowo in Newton Magazine, as his priority policy after officially becoming President of the Republic of Indonesia. In the article published on June 12, 2024, entitled The Road Ahead for Indonesia-One of the Fastest Growing Economics in Asia, Prabowo wrote about his priority policy, but he did not mention IKN in the program he wrote.
"Why not discuss further in articles that are only not in many places? IKN is in the law," said Sufmi Dasco Ahmad, the daily chairman of the Gerindra Party DPP, giving reasons for the writing of his boss as quoted by Tempo.
In the presidential election campaign, Prabowo clearly mentioned that he would continue the IKN program. He named his coalition Indonesia Maju, which clearly copy paste from Jokowi's vision. Prabowo campaigns to launch the status quo program.
However, as President of the Republic of Indonesia later, Prabowo must have his own program. It is not impossible, the program he will carry is the real productivity.
Jokowi has prepared steps by forming an Agglomeration Regional Council for Jakarta management, led by the Vice President of the Republic of Indonesia. The purpose of forming this new agency is clear in order to strengthen the position of vice president, none other than his son, Gibran. If this new regulation is tampered with by Prabowo later after officially taking office, of course the friction with Jokowi will occur.
SEE ALSO:
Jokowi's geopolitical policy that prioritizes China is not impossible to change after Prabowo came to power. The former Kopassus commander is known to have close ties to the West, especially the United States.
Until now, Jokowi-Prabowo's relationship is still fine. Let's follow if the relationship lasts a long time after Prabowo is officially sworn in on October 20.
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