Revision Of TNI Law Will Restore Dwi Abri Function

A photo by Luthfiah VOI

JAKARTA - Members of Commission I of the DPR are speeding up completing the revision of Bill Number 34 of 2024 concerning the Indonesian National Army (TNI) before the People's Representative Council (DPR) recess on April 13, 2025.

However, the revised plan, not escape public suspicion, the public suspected that the revision would later revive the Dwi Function Abri doctrine, which since the beginning of the 1998 reform was abolished and reviving the TNI was allowed to do business. This step also threatens TNI reform which has been initiated so far. So that our aspirations to have a professional soldier are getting further and further burned from the fire because the army is no longer in the barracks.

The history of the emergence of Dwi ABRI's own Function, initially began in the New Order era, spearheaded by the speech of General AH Nasution at the anniversary of the 1958 National Military Academy (AMN), and legalized in 1982, having influenced politics and social affairs in Indonesia, with ABRI dominating executive and legislative institutions. Dwi Function of ABRI (Armed Forces of the Republic of Indonesia) is a concept that emerged during the New Order under the leadership of President Suharto.

This concept confirms Indonesia's dual military role, namely as a defense force for security as well as a political social force. Dwi ABRI's function became the basis for military involvement in various aspects of national and state life, including government, economy, and politics. However, along with the changing times and demands of reform, this concept was finally removed, and the TNI (Indonesian National Army) was returned to the barracks to focus on defense and security tasks.

The concept of the Dwi Function of ABRI is rooted in the experience of Indonesian history, especially during the struggle for independence. During the physical revolution (1945-1949), the Indonesian military not only played a role as a defense force, but was also involved in efforts to maintain independence and build the country. This dual role is then considered a legacy that needs to be preserved.

During the Old Order under President Soekarno, the military also played a significant political role. However, the culmination of the concept of the Dwi ABRI Function occurred in the New Order era. After the G30S/PKI incident in 1965, ABRI under Suharto's leadership took a central role in restoring state stability. Suharto, who came from the military, saw ABRI as a force capable of maintaining political stability and national development.

In 1966, through the doctrine of "Catur Dharma Eka Karma" (Cadek). This doctrine was sparked through the 1966th Hankam Seminar in Jakarta, finally the state defense doctrine used by ABRI. ABRI officially adopted Dwi Function as its operational basis. This doctrine confirms that ABRI is not only tasked with maintaining state security, but also plays an active role in national development and political life.

Aspects of the doctrine of Catur Dharma Eka Karma they expand the Hankam/ABRI Group consisting of ABRI, Veterans, Retired, and Demobilisan. Then expand the formation of a special party called the Work Group (Golkar) which must be instilled and developed among its members, families, and the non-organic Golkar must be fostered directly by ABRI.

In practice, the Dwi Function of ABRI is realized in various ways. The military is placed in strategic positions in the government, from the central to regional levels. Many military officers serve as ministers, governors, regents, or village heads. In addition, ABRI also has representatives in legislative institutions through the ABRI faction in the DPR.

As an effort to maintain stability and prevent conflicts of military involvement in politics and government is allowed. However, over time, Dwi's function of ABRI has drawn criticism. Many think that this concept actually creates an imbalance in power and marginalizes the civil role in government.

The economic and political crisis that hit Indonesia in 1998 became a turning point for the history of the ABRI function Dwi. The demands for reform from civil society, students, and various elements of society are getting stronger including the support of a number of reformist figures. One of their main demands is the elimination of the ABRI function Dwi and the return of the military to the barracks.

After the fall of President Soeharto in May 1998, the reform process within the military began. Through the Minister of Defense and Security at that time, General Wiranto, assisted by the Chief of Political Social Staff of ABRI, Lieutenant General Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, and other TNI leaders, felt the need to reduce the role of the TNI in politics, that happened during the time of President Abdurrahman Wahid. Then, in 1999, through the Decree of the MPR No. VI/MPR/1999, the Dwi Function of ABRI was officially removed. ABRI then changed its name to the TNI (National Army of Indonesia), and the political role of the military was significantly reduced.

The Return Of The TNI To Barak

The process of returning the TNI to the barracks is part of a democratization effort in Indonesia. The TNI was refocused on its main task, namely maintaining national defense and security. Several important steps taken include the revocation of the TNI/Polri faction in the DPR. In 2004, the membership of the TNI and Polri in the legislative body was removed. This marks the end of military involvement in practical politics. Even president Abdurrahman Wahid, marked the appointment of the Minister of Defense from civilians.

Withdrawal of military officers from civilian positions, many military officers who previously served in civilian government were withdrawn to military institutions. Internal reform was also carried out by the TNI, including increasing professionalism and breaking away from political activities.

The elimination of Dwi ABRI's function and the return of the TNI to the barracks have had a positive impact on the democratization process in Indonesia. The military is no longer the dominant political force, and space for civil participation in government is increasingly open. However, challenges remain, especially ensuring that the TNI remains professional and is not involved in practical politics.

In addition, the military reform process also faces obstacles, such as resistance from internal military circles and the need to increase the defense capacity of the TNI in the midst of changing global security dynamics.

This TNI Law has undergone two changes, initially Law Number 34 of 2004 was changed to Law No. 34 of 2024 and is currently undergoing a revision.

According to the Indonesian Minister of Defense, General Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin said that the revision of the law was proposed on the initiative of the DPR, because the reason demands for global geopolitical developments required the TNI to transform in order to deal with conventional and non-conventional threats such as the threat of cyber warfare, other asymmetric warfare Hybrid wars. "Therefore, the revision of the TNI Law is needed to provide a clear legal basis for both TNI's duties, both war and war, based on the principles of democracy and the legal supremacy system," said Sjafri in front of Commission I Member of the DPR, last March.

Meanwhile, Deputy Chairman of Commission I of the DPR, Dave Laksono, argued that the urgency of revising the TNI Law was because there were phrases/calibria that were no longer appropriate in the law, because there was a change in the nomenclature of institutions and bodies that had just needed adjustments, as well as the president was constrained in changing positions due to age, so there needed to be an extension of his retirement age. Adjusting the threat of today's challenges, cyber threats that need to be regulated and considered, besides the need for a new position because of the expansion and function of the TNI that relevant agencies need according to capacity and capability are needed by related agencies.

Military observer Beni Sukadis saw the relevant reasons related to the global challenge was to return the TNI Headquarters under the Ministry of Defense so that the TNI Headquarters was controlled by the Ministry of Defense. Because several countries put their TNI Headquarters under the Ministry of Defense and that has become the mandate of the law.

A number of Civil Society Coalitions expressed objections to the revised plan. According to Muhammad Isnur from the Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI), they rejected the revision of the TNI Law, because it would legitimize the practice of ABRI's dyafunction and bring Indonesia to the Neo New Order regime. "The revision of the TNI Law contradicts the TNI reform agenda which should support the TNI as a professional defense tool as a means of state defense as mandated by the constitution and democracy," he told Voi, Sunday, March 17.

"The DPR RI and the President through their proposed revision will actually withdraw the TNI in the socio-political and even economic roles during the New Order which are proven to be inconsistent with the basic principles of the state of law and civil supremacy and damage the joints of democratic life." he added.

In addition to the rejection from YLBHI, refusal also came from 34 civil society organizations that are members of the Civil Society Coalition for International Human Rights Advocacy (HRWG). This revision not only threatens military professionalism, but also betrays Indonesia's commitment to implementing various UN recommendations and international human rights legal obligations.