Fpi's History To End Prohibited By Government

Previously we have discussed the track record of former number three in the body of the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) munarman organization, which recently stumbled on a case of alleged terrorism involvement. Furthermore, in the typical VOI Series edition of "FPI Controversy," see a broader perspective on how the formation of the order that muhammad Rizieq Shihab scented.

The courtyard of Pondok Pesantren Al-um, Tangerang, became a witness when the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) was declared on August 17, 1998. Under the command of Muhammad Rizieq Shihab, FPI grew into one of the largest mass organizations.

His popularity increased with controversy. The pros-cons of FPI birth have even been sticking out from the beginning. Because Wiranto, who at that time served as The Commander of ABRI, involved FPI in the security operation of the MPR Special Session under the umbrella of PAM Swakarsa.

It may be that the seeds of FPI birth existed long before the official formation. Quoted by M. Imdadun Rachmat in Arus Islam Radikal (2005), the scholars who have similar visions form FPI with traditional Islamic patterns. The main spirit is to uphold amar ma'ruf nahi munkar through various events, such as recitation, tahlil, salawatan, tabligh akbar, audiences with elements of the government, as well as through friendship between famous religious figures.

"While FPI, is more an organization that arises from the scholars, dai, and haba'ib that have traditional Islamic characteristics. They practiced rituals opposed by supporters of the Tarbiyah movement, Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia, majelis Mujahideen Indonesia, and Laskar Jihad, which carried purification and thought close to the Middle East. FPI people are familiar with tahlil, barzanji, salawat, and puj-pujian which are often identified with heresy," wrote M. Imdadun Rachmad.

Therefore, the role of scholars in the existence of FPI is so central. This society is attached to patronism. Especially to the figure of the high priest Rizieq Shihab.

Rizieq managed to gather 20 famous scholars to establish FPI. Some of them are KH Fathono, KH Misbahul Anam, KH Cecep Bustomi, and Habib Idrus Jamalullail. They were all known to be active as hard clerics since the days of the New Order. Some of them had been imprisoned for being too critical of Suharto's government.

The birth of FPI shows the religious spirit of a group of Muslims with a da'wah movement that is classified as fanatical. As a result, FPI as a movement organization became less concerned with institutional forms. Unlike other organizations, FPI does not recruit membership permanently and systematically.

"FPI members are not bound by formal and strict organizational rules. The main binder that unites FPI members is moral commitment and loyalty to leaders. Such conditions make it difficult for the author to find the exact number of FPI members," noted Al-Zastrouw Ng. in the Symbolic Islamic Movement: The Politics of FPI Interests (2006).

Fpi's achievements in the reform transition are remembered when they were part of the Swakarsa Community Security Force (PAM Swakarsa). PAM Swakarsa is a paramilitary created by the government to help the TNI control the Mpr Special Session in November 1998.

PAM Swakarsa itself was formed on the proposal of the Commander of ABRI, Wiranto. In addition to FPI, PAM Swakarsa is filled by a number of other paramilitary organizations, such as the Forum ummat Islam Enforcement of Justice and Constitution (Forkon), the Indonesian Committee for Solidarity of the Islamic World (KISDI), and the Hezbollah Brigade BKUI.

Long story short, FPI later became one of the elements in the formation of PAM Swakarsa. Each paramilitary organization helped secure the 1998 MPR Special Session. However, the security was tinged with tragedy. Clashes ensued. The event is remembered with the Clover Tragedy.

Researchers from Australia who have been researching the order in Indonesia since the period 2004-2014, Ian Douglas Wilson said, when the New Order collapsed, then the organizations felt lost control so had to look for new relationships. In this case, they helped the police. This economic-political reality is reflected and institutionalized in Law No. 2 of 2002 concerning the State Police of the Republic of Indonesia, which stipulates that in carrying out its role, the police are assisted by "forms of Swakarsa security."

"This provides a framework for police at the police or police level to be able to establish working relationships with local 'partners'," wilson said in The Politics of Thug Rations: Ormas and The Power of The Streets in Indonesia Post New Order (2018).

FPI is also noted to be often involved in raids, sweeping, even acts of destruction of cafes, hotels, or other pockets of culture that they regard as a place of sin. On the same basis, FPI also often attacks religious groups that they label as heretics or infidels. The fpi's move to Salihara to disband the public discussion of Irshad Manji's thinking in 2012 is an example. The FPI argues the discussion perpetuates lesbians.

Akhmad Sahal, in his writing in Tempo Magazine (2012), writes that on every occasion Rizieq always justified his group's vigilantism. Rizieq always argued it was forced to do because the state and law enforcement officials failed and mushy in eradicating sin. That's what made them legitimize his movement.

"In the eyes of FPI, their violence is Islamic because it is based on the Prophet's hadith which is quite popular about nahi munkar: 'Whoever sees evil, then let him change it by hand. If it is not capable, then by oral. If it is not able too, then in the heart. The latter is the weakest of faith.' For FPI, the path of violence is a manifestation of the practice of the Prophet's command to change the disbelief by hand (falyughayyirhubiyadih)," said Akhmad Sahal.

Even so, what FPI does can be seen from the other side. Made Supriatma, a researcher revealed a different way of looking at FPI. For Made, the consistency of FPI in enforcing sharia, complete with all its controversies makes FPI and Rizieq's name known nationally. Thanks to its popularity FPI then established branches in various regions of the Archipelago.

Popularity is not only built in terms of vigilantism and judgment alone. FPI is also listed as one of the most responsive organizations in the community assistance among the lower class. Even FPI is always at the forefront of providing assistance to disaster sites.

Because of the radical element. Coordinating Minister for Politics, Law and Human Rights (Menko Polhukam) finally announced the banning of all activities of the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) on December 30, 2020. Later FPI will no longer have a legal position as a community organization (ormas) or ordinary organization.

Moreover, de Jure FPI has disbanded as an organization dated June 20, 2019. Because, FPI is judged by the government to have disturbed order, security, and contrary to the law. After that the central government and local governments are asked to crack down firmly if there are organizations on behalf of FPI.

"To the central government officials and local governments if there is an organization to eradicate FPI it is considered to be non-existent and should be rejected because legal standing does not exist today," Mahfud said in a press conference.