We have seen so much history that shows how privilege is formed through the political mechanisms in "The Crotch of the Ruler and the History that Describes It." Continued from VOI's signature Series, "Privilege: Myth or Real?". Through this article we will explore the political privileges that occur in the country. About President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) and his son-in-law who will advance to become regional heads.
The political dynamics in the circle of President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) are moving rapidly. Their son and son-in-law, Gibran Rakabuming Raka and Bobby Nasution, officially entered politics. Both of them run in regional head elections (pilkada). Gibran is from the PDI Perjuangan (PDIP), while Bobby is running from the Golkar Party. Many see the decision of the two to go forward in the regional elections as Jokowi's attempt to build a political dynasty.
PDIP - the party that carries Gibran and Jokowi - rejects this assumption. Jokowi, Gibran, Bobby, or even the PDIP may refuse. However, LIPI political observer Aisah Putri Budiarti said differently. According to him, the effort to build a political dynasty in Jokowi's circle is very clear. Moreover, in the past, Jokowi's family was considered far from the world of politics. There was not the slightest sign that the president's children would follow in his father's footsteps. Gibran and Bobby's decision to go forward for the elections changed that.
"Jokowi's old image is actually positive because he shows that he is different from most political elites who have a tendency to build dynasties and political oligarchs. Unfortunately, this image is damaged after several names of candidates for regional head in the 2020 regional elections came from close circles of Jokowi's family," he said. Puput to VOI, last Friday, February 28.
Gibran and Bobby are actually not prohibited from entering politics and following in the footsteps of President Jokowi. It's just that, the advancement of the two men in the Pilwalkot Solo and Medan is considered evidence of instant candidacy. At the Solo Pilwalkot, Gibran managed to shift the two PDIP champions who had previously been the strongest candidates to be advanced in the contest.
At the last second, Achmad Purnomo, who is the Deputy Mayor of Solo, is active and Teguh Prakosa - a member of the Solo DPRD who is also a member of the PDIP DPC - must yield to Gibran. The meeting between the Crown Prince and PDIP Chairman Megawati Sukarnoputri on Jalan Teuku Umar, Central Jakarta on October 24, 2019 is believed to be the key. There are privileges which Gibran and Bobby try to exploit.
"In fact, according to legal procedures, anyone has the right to become a candidate for regional head and to participate in regional election contestation because it is a political right protected by the constitution. However, what makes it a problem and controversy is an instant nomination situation," said Puput.
Furthermore, Puput views that it is impossible to deny the political privileges of Gibran and Bobby as members of Jokowi's core family. The exploitation of the smallest thing is Jokowi's big name. In politics, a big name is very important to open up a lot of access that is impossible for those who do not share a big name.
In addition, they can also use Jokowi's name as a vote-gather or an attraction for people to vote for them. In this context, big names are even more important. Gibran and Bobby, who in fact are newbies without a record in the bureaucracy, will have a hard time garnering the trust of voters. Jokowi's name is at least able to provide impetus in that factor.
Not enough to collect big names
This privilege case is actually quite close in the history of the PDIP. The Chairman, Megawati Soekarnoputri, is another example of political privilege. Not in the eye of Gibran and Bobby. However, how Megawati took advantage of the greatness of her father's name, President Soekarno could not be denied.
"There must be this factor because Soekarno was in the PDIP, and Megawati was Soekarno's daughter ... However, what is interesting is that Megawati cannot also be called a karbitan politician because she has gone through a long and difficult political work process, especially seeing the position of the PDIP. during the New Order, "said Puput.
Deep into the New Order era. At that time, President Soeharto made a policy of simplifying the party system. A number of parties merged into one. Including several parties that have turned into the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI). The declaration of the establishment of the PDI was signed by five party leaders.
They are MH Isnaeni and Abdul Madjid from PNI, A. Wenas and Sabam Sirait from Parkindo, Beng Mang Reng Say and Wignyo Sumarsono (Catholic Party), Murbantoko and RJ Pakan (Murba Party), as well as Sukmadidjaja and M. Sadri (IPKI), Even though the PDI was already formed, at that time the PDI vote was not satisfactory, this party also had difficulty developing and maintaining its existence.
In 1986, the PDI's popularity was still in decline, even though the 1987 election was imminent. PDI figures at that time were looking for ways to boost party votes to compete with Golkar and the domination of the New Order. The PDI considered that one of the effective means was to revive Soekarno's mass base. Two senior PDI figures, Soerjadi and Sabam Sirait, invited Bung Karno's sons and daughters to join the PDI. Like Guntur, Megawati and Guruh.
Sabam Sirait met Megawati and her husband, the late Taufik Kiemas, with the intention of joining the PDI. Megawati's recruitment into the PDI was because Megawati was the daughter of the proclaimer Soekarno, who was considered capable of attracting voters. However, the two couples considered Sabam's invitation impossible to fulfill, because at that time the New Order government prohibited Soekarno's family from entering politics.
"At that time, people who were anti-Bung Karno family were being hard at work. How could we go into politics," Megawati said in an interview with the Monday edition of Republika, 11 November 2013.
After several times Sabam Sirait persuaded Soekarno's family, Megawati finally accepted Soerjadi's proposal to join the PDI. At that time he was given the position of Deputy Chairman of the Central Jakarta PDIP DPC. Soerjadi as chairman of the PDI and Nico Daryanto as Secretary General of the PDI at that time invited Megawati and other Bung Karno children to also participate in the 1987 election campaign.
The involvement of Bung Karno's children in the campaign and the use of Soekarno's symbols and posters in the campaign succeeded in increasing the PDI seat acquisition significantly from 30 seats in the 1982 election to 40 seats in the 1987 election.The increase in PDI votes continued in the 1992 election.
Still using the same pattern, collaborating with the Soekarno family and using the Soekarno symbol in the campaign. That year the PDI also received additional support from the youth masses. PDI votes also rose again to 14.9 percent and obtained 56 seats in the DPR.
PDI's rise to prominence made the New Order stifling. On July 21, 1993, at the IV PDI Congress in Medan, Soerjadi was re-elected as chairman. The New Order, which was annoyed with Soerjadi because it made the PDI vote continue to rise. Soerjadi was considered problematic, so a re-congress had to be held.
So the Extraordinary Congress took place in Surabaya on 6 December 1993, two days before the congress, the Minister of Home Affairs, Yogie S. Memet, received a message from Soeharto. On December 4, 1993, the ruler of the New Order said that he did not mind if Megawati was elected as the chairman of the PDI. The votes flowed drastically for Megawati, so she was elected as Chairman of the PDI by acclamation.
Megawati's appointment to become the chairman of the banteng party, which was initially approved by the New Order to stem Soerjadi, actually angered the New Order. The PDI, under the leadership of the PDI, actually eroded Golkar's votes in the next election. The steps to prevent Megawati had repeatedly come through internal party divisions.
The New Order was worried that if it was allowed for the power of the masses to support Soekarno to rise again under his daughter's leadership. The New Order's concerns were correct, because PDIP and Megawati were extremely strong. The PDIP is even one of the most powerful forces in the political arena to this day.
Even so, privilege is not Megawati's only asset. It is nothing. Megawati was not the only child of Soekarno who had advanced to politics. Guruh Soekarnoputra, Guntur Soekarnoputra, or Sukmawati Soekarnoputri actually tried their luck in the political world. This means that there is a long political process that has been passed until it has managed to go far along with the red parties.
"I prefer to see that there is a political process that (Megawati went through to survive) so that finally Mega became Soekarno's daughter who became an individual politician, who could be said to be large and survive," said Puput.
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