Defended Front Defenders Of Islam

JAKARTA - On the grounds of the Al-Umm Islamic Boarding School, Tangerang, 25 Robi'uts Tsani 1419 Hijriyyah or 17 August 1998, the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) was declared. Under the command of their high priest, Muhammad Rizieq Shihab, FPI grew into one of the largest mass organizations. FPI is also controversial. In fact, since the initial mass formation, including when Wiranto, who was then Commander of ABRI, involved FPI in the operation to secure the MPR Special Session under the umbrella of PAM Swakarsa.

Based on history, FPI was initiated by a number of Muslim scholars, Haba'ib, and activists. All these elements are under the command of Rizieq, who is a descendant of Hadrami. There is one common thread in the FPI movement, namely the enforcement of "amar ma'ruf nahi munkar" or "enforcing what is right and prohibiting what is wrong." FPI is often controversial because its approach is often anarchic and close to violence. On the other hand, FPI is also a mass organization that is often in the forefront of reaching out to disaster victims.

The most popular anarchist side of FPI is the demonstration in 2008. At that time, FPI was involved in a clash with the masses who were gathering at Monas to commemorate Pancasila Day on June 1. We also remember when FPI came to the City Hall of DKI Jakarta to demand that Governor Sutiyoso close the place they considered immoral in the capital.

FPI is also noted to have been frequently involved in raids, sweeping, and even acts of vandalizing cafes, hotels, or other cultural enclaves which they identified as places of immorality. On the same basis, FPI also frequently attacks religious groups that they label as heretical or infidels. The FPI raid of Salihara to disperse a public discussion on Irshad Manji's thoughts in 2012 is an example. FPI is of the opinion that the discussion perpetuates lesbianism.

Akhmad Sahal, in his writing in Tempo Magazine entitled Nahi Munkar yang Munkar (2012), wrote that on every occasion Rizieq always confirmed the vigilantism of his group. Rizieq always argued that this had to be done because the state and law enforcement officials failed and were soft in eradicating immorality. So, FPI felt their hand was legitimate. It's natural.

"In the eyes of the FPI, their acts of violence are actually Islamic because they are based on the Prophet's quite popular hadith regarding nahi munkar: 'Whoever sees evil, let him change it by hand. If not able, then orally. If you can't, then in your heart. The latter is as weak as faith. ' For FPI, the path of violence is a manifestation of practicing the Prophet's command to change evil by hand (falyughayyirhubiyadih), "said Akhmad Sahal.

Even so, what FPI has done can be seen from another side. Made Supriatma, a researcher reveals a different viewpoint on FPI. For Made, FPI's consistency in upholding sharia, complete with all its controversies, has made FPI and Rizieq's name known nationally. Thanks to this popularity, FPI then established branches in various parts of the archipelago.

This popularity is not only built in terms of vigilantism and judgment alone. FPI is also noted as one of the most responsive mass organizations in providing assistance to the grassroots community. Even FPI is always at the forefront of providing assistance to disaster locations.

FPI's existence in helping small communities is quite a lot. Including being active in helping victims of eviction in Jakarta get their rights and defend them. In the eviction of residents of Pasar Ikan, North Jakarta in 2016, for example. FPI provided humanitarian assistance to evicted residents while establishing a humanitarian post at Masjid Luar Batang.

In a report published by kompas.com in 2016, the Chairperson of the FPI North Jakarta Regional Leadership Council (DPW), Ustaz Muhammad Iqbal, revealed that FPI was concerned about the tyranny of leaders who did not side with the small community. "We are concerned about those who are currently sleeping on the boat, on top of the rubble, cold. We have an obligation to help them," said Iqbal.

Not only that. In the Tsunami that hit Palu, Central Sulawesi in 2018, FPI was at the forefront of providing assistance. In fact, this was admitted directly by the Acting Head of the Public Relations Bureau of the Ministry of Communication and Informatics (Kominfo), Ferdinandus Setu. According to him, Kominfo appreciates all the nation's children who helped ease the burden on the victims of the Palu earthquake and tsunami, including FPI.

"Kominfo does not state that it is as if FPI did not provide assistance there, absolutely not. We never conveyed that FPI did not move quickly. Therefore humanitarian assistance carried out by all components of the nation, including FPI, deserves appreciation," he said as quoted by Antara. .

The seeds for the birth of FPI existed long before its official formation. Quoted by M. Imdadun Rachmat in the book Flow of Radical Islam (2005), the scholars who have the same vision to form FPI with a distinctive style of traditional Islam. FPI has long broadcast the spirit of upholding amar ma'ruf nahi munkar through a variety of events, such as recitation, tahlil, salawatan, tabligh akbar, hearings with elements of the government, and through friendship between famous religious figures.

"Meanwhile, FPI, is more of an organization that emerged from the ulama, preacher and haba'ib who have traditional Islamic characteristics. They practice rituals opposed by supporters of the Tarbiyah movement, Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia, the Indonesian Mujahidin Council, and Laskar Jihad, which promote purification and are thoughtfully close to the Middle East. FPI circles are familiar with tahlil, barzanji, salawat, and praises which are often identified with bid'ah, ”wrote M. Imdadun Rachmad.

For this reason, the role of ulama in the existence of FPI is so central. Rizieq, especially. With his power, Rizieq managed to gather 20 well-known scholars to establish FPI. Some of them are KH Fathono, KH Misbahul Anam, KH Cecep Bustomi, and Habib Idrus Jamalullail. They have all been known to be active mubaliqs since the New Order era. Some of them were jailed for being too critical of the Soeharto government.

The birth of FPI shows the religious spirit of a group of Muslims with a fanatical preaching movement. As a result, FPI as a movement organization did not place much importance on institutional forms. Unlike other mass organizations, FPI did not recruit members permanently and systematically.

"FPI members are not bound by formal and strict organizational rules. The main binding that holds FPI members together is moral commitment and loyalty to the leader. This condition makes it difficult for me to find the exact number of FPI members, "wrote Al-Zastrouw Ng. in the book Symbolic Islamic Movement: Political Interests of FPI (2006).

FPI's actions in the transition to reform are remembered when it was part of the Swakarsa Community Security Force (PAM Swakarsa). PAM Swakarsa is a paramilitary government created to assist the TNI in guarding the MPR Special Session in November 1998.

PAM Swakarsa itself was formed on the suggestion of ABRI Commander Wiranto. Apart from FPI, PAM Swakarsa is filled by a number of other paramilitary organizations, such as the Forum for the Islamic Community for Justice and the Constitution (Forkon), the Indonesian Committee for Solidarity in the Islamic World (KISDI), and the BKUI Hezbollah Brigade.

Long story short, FPI later became one of the elements in the formation of PAM Swakarsa. Each of these paramilitary organizations participated in securing the 1998 MPR Special Session. However, this security was marked by tragedy. A clash occurred. The event was remembered with the Clover Tragedy.

An Australian researcher who has studied mass organizations in Indonesia from 2004-2014, Ian Douglas Wilson, said that when the New Order collapsed, these mass organizations felt they lost control and had to look for new relations. In this case, they helped the police. This political-economic reality is reflected and institutionalized in Law Number 2 of 2002 concerning the Indonesian National Police, which stipulates that in carrying out its role, the police are assisted by "Swakarsa safeguards."

"This provides a framework for the police at the police or polsek level to establish working relationships with local 'partners'," said Ian Douglas Wilson in his book, Politik Jatah Preman: Ormas and Street Authority in Post-New Order Indonesia (2018).